Ludmila Gallyamova, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: ludagal@mail.ru
The paper deals with contemporary Russian historiography at the closing stage of World War II, the war between USSR and Japan of 1945. Emphasizing the major changes occurring in the Russian discipline, the author underlines that they could not but ripple effect on studies of such an important and urgent topic as World War II. But archive disclosure, source base expansion, ideological control elimination, and intensification of contacts between scholars inspired formation of diverse, sometimes diametrically opposed, viewpoints on the events of the Soviet-Japanese War of 1945. The author sees some issues causing most high-pitched arguments between scholars in the contemporary Russian historiography on this war. The author pays close attention to, in particular, the Neutrality Pact between Japan and Soviet Union dated April 13, 1941, the lawfulness of denouncing which by the Soviet party is interpreted controversially. Historians evaluate USSR entering the war with Japan differently: some see it as fulfilling a duty to allies (UK and USA), others, as an unlawful neutrality violation. The question about the USSR’s role in the war and achieving Japan’s unconditional surrender provokes numerous discussions. The arguments about territorial outcomes of the Soviet-Japanese War and transfer of South Sakhalin and Kuril Islands to the Soviet Union are sharp. Finishing her analysis, the author concludes that rethinking the conventional evaluations and concepts, emergence of new methodological approaches and viewpoints, and intensification of the topic’s information richness build a basis for writing a true-to-life non-ideology-driven history of World War II.
Key words: World War II, USSR, Japan, USA, UK, Soviet-Japanese War (1945), historiography, contemporary studies, controversial issues, neutrality pact, war’s background, war’s territorial outcomes, Kuril Islands, South Sakhalin.

Boris Afonin, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: ihae@eastnet.febras.ru
Using retrospective analysis, the paper studies the situation in the Pacific Rim in the year of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II. A brief historical review of reasons and nature of the war is given; the author analyzes how Japanese militarism emerged and developed, what the international climate in the first half of the 20th century in the Far East was like. Tokyo’s plans on acquisition of other lands’ territories are shown. The author discusses the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937—1945, Japan’s preparation to the war with the Soviet Union, the country’s participation in the military alliance with fascist Germany and Italy, Japan’s military operations against the USA and UK in the Pacific, USA’s and USSR’s decisive role in crushing defeat of the Japanese militarism in World War II, Japan’s capitulation and occupation by the USA, and US-Japanese relationships after the war’s end. The role of Security Treaty between the United States and Japan, post-war and contemporary Japanese-Chinese and Japanese-Korean relationships (Japan’s territorial disputes with China and Republic of Korea) and Soviet-Russian-Japanese relationships are analyzed. The peace treaty issue and territorial disputes (the countries’ positions in the dispute on the so-called Northern Territories) are identified as the key drag to the dialogue between Japan and the Russian Federation. The author draws a conclusion that international situation in the Pacific Rim has become noticeably more complicated due to the competition between the USA, China and Japan for leadership in the region and complicated relationships between Japan, China and two states on Korean Peninsula.
Key words: Japan, USA, China, USSR (Russia), Korea, World War II, Pacific Rim, Japanese militarism, allied powers, Japan’s occupation, Japan and neighbor countries, Northeast Asia, territorial issues.

Vladimir Grinyuk, Centre for studies of Japan of the Institute of Far Eastern Studies, RAS, Moscow, Russia. E-mail: vladimirgrinyuk@mail.ru
There is no agreement in Japan as to who is responsible for the wars of the 1930—1940’s. The expansionist policy pursued by Japanese militarism until 1945 has not been rethought deeply and critically. Apologists of militarism have maintained their positions in political, research and journalist circles of this country. Release of book Who Was Responsible? From Marco Polo Bridge to Pearl Harbor in 2006 was a remarkable event in the discussion held in Japan on responsibility for aggressive wars. This was a result of the work performed by the War Responsibility Reexamination Committee created in August 2005 in the editor’s office of Yomiuri, the major Japanese newspaper. In connection with the oncoming 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, the discussion on this topic in the country’s printed media has gained in intensity again. The materials published in the leading Japanese public and political magazines in 2014—2015 admit its responsibility for the wars of the 1930—1940’s. The experts blame mainly Japan’s military circles for militarist policy of the country. Japanese government is inconsistent in interpretation of its past. The problems of Japanese politicians paying ritual visits to Yasukuni, a Shinto shrine and a militarist symbol, compensations to Koreans subjected to forced mobilization for work at Japanese enterprises during the war at the Pacific, and material damage compensation to former sexual slave women in Japanese armed forces continue to be relevant. As before, they complicate Japan’s relationships with other states, primarily with PRC and Republic of Korea.
Key words: Mukden Incident, tokko, gyokusai, Yasukuni shrine, “comfort women”.

Vladimir Kozhevnikov, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: v.ronin@rambler.ru
The paper deals with issues of Japanese-Indian relationships during World War II. The author made an attempt to analyze the reasons of these relationships’ ambivalence. On the one hand, India sided the Allies as a part of British troops in the anti-Japanese struggle, in battles in France, Africa and Iran. When Japan intruded Southeast Asia, the Indian troops went into action with the Japanese army on December 8, 1941 in Malaysia. Due to blunders of the British command which did not take the necessary measures to provide the defense of Hong Kong, Malaya and Burma, the English-Indian troops had to retire with great losses of the Indian army. The British command, in an attempt to fortify Singapore, its main navy base in the region, hastily redeployed the best units from India. In spite of the Indian troops’ heroism, numerous mistakes and indecisiveness of the British command predetermined the victory of Japan. On the other hand, Japan, while developing its strategy on the continent, figured that India would side it as a country fighting colonialism and standing for India’s freedom. To a certain extent, these presumptions proved true: the country’s patriotic forces were split. A part of the Indian society supported Japan. The reason was its aspiration to break free from the British colonialism. They saw Japan as India’s ally in the anti-colonial struggle. The author made an attempt to give an answer to the question why the public opinion in India does not disapprove of actions of the Indian National Army (INA) acting in favour of Japan. The role of Subhash Chandra Bose, Indian leader of the national liberation movement, is reviewed.
Key words: colonialism, Indian army’s warfare against Germany and Italy, liberation struggle, India, Japan, Japan’s policy towards India, Subhash Chandra Bose’s activity.

Nikolai Ryabchenko, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: ranaut@mail.ru
From the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937—1945), USSR took the position of active support of China. Three stages can be identified in the countries’ cooperation in this war: the first stage, from 1937 until the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, the second, the Great Patriotic War, and the third, from the end of the Great Patriotic War until Japan’s capitulation in September 1945. Many problems arose in the course of two countries’ cooperation: primarily, in the transportation branch. A hard, 2925 km long route via Xingjiang had to be conquered for delivering military cargoes to China. Military political aspects played an important role, too. Thus, major armed conflicts between Japan and USSR in 1938 and 1939 distracted Japan’s forces and promoted to China’s fight against its aggression. Upon end of the active warfare phase in China in late 1938, the difficulties in Soviet-Chinese relationships connected with confronting Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China, ideologically supported by the Soviet Union, became more and more obvious. The high point of the second stage was USSR’s material consent to enter the war with Japan after victory over Germany declared at Tehran conference. The third stage included USSR’s preparation to and entering the war with Japan. On August 14, 1945, the Sino-Soviet Treaty Friendship and a number of agreements stipulating USSR’s rights to use Chinese Changchun Railway, Port Arthur, and Dalniy. A negative attitude towards this treaty, seen as unequal, has formed in Chinese historiography. It should be noted that the purpose of USSR solidifying in Northeast China was, in fact, promoting to consolidation of stand of the Communist Party of China in this region and its following coming to power which happened indeed in a few years. Therefore, the treaty cannot be evaluated negatively from the viewpoint of historical perspective.
Key words: USSR, China, Second Sino-Japanese War, Communist Party of China, Kuomintang, Communist International, Chiang Kai-Shek, Stalin.

Oleg Sergeev, Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: history37@mail.ru
The paper studies the influence of World War II and its results on historical fates of Russian Cossack emigrants scattered all over Europe, Asia, North and South America and Australia after the events of 1917—1922. It is emphasized that the centers of World War II emerged in Europe and East Asia almost simultaneously, that is, in the regions where the greatest masses of Russian Cossack emigrants were located. The author notes the attempts of fascist and militarist forces of Germany, Japan and their allies to use Cossacks in the fight against the Soviet Union. They were particularly obvious at the theater of operations in Europe where Germany formed massive armed groups with Cossacks which included not only emigrants but also Soviet citizens falling into the occupation zone of German troops. Similar events occurred at the East Asia theater of World War II, too, where the Japanese attempted to create units with Cossack emigrants in diverse regions of China. In general, these attempts did not bring significant results. The Cossack units formed were used only in subsidiary operations and at the finishing stage of World War II, many representatives of Cossack emigration refused to participate in any actions against their motherland. As a result of World War II, the majority of Cossack emigrants were forced to leave the places in Europe and China where they initially lived and move to countries of other continents.
Key words: World War II, Russian Cossacks, emigration, settlement territory, Cossack military units.

Sergei Smirnov, Institute of Humanities and Arts, Ural Federal University, Ekaterinburg, Russia. E-mail: smirnov_sergei@mail.ru
In August 1945, Soviet Union entered the war with Japan in accordance with resolutions of Yalta and Potsdam Conference. The warfare beginning in Manchuria could not but affect the Russian emigrant colony located there. Japan’s government counting upon the White emigrants’ support in the war with USSR were violently disappointed facing the unwillingness of the latter to participate in the war amid growing patriotic sentiments. Not only did the emigrants try to avoid Japanese mobilization and direct participation in warfare against the Red Army, but entered the armed confrontations with the Japanese. Based on disclosed archive materials of USSR’s state security authorities, the author makes examples of participation of Russian White emigrants’ guerilla and self-defense bands in the Soviet-Japanese War. These bands were most active in the eastern and western lines of North-Manchurian Railway where the most violent warfare between the Soviet and Japanese troops took place. The emigrants’ guerilla bands attacked small Japanese subdivisions, serials and warehouses; familiar with local conditions, they helped the Soviet units to act more efficiently in battles with the enemy. Therefore, they undoubtedly made their contribution to quick defeat of Japanese troops in Manchuria. However, upon end of the warfare, a significant part of emigrants’ guerilla and self-defense bands was repressed by the Soviet party.
Key words: Russian emigration, Soviet-Japanese War, Manchuria, Russian guerilla bands.

Anatolij Smirnov, Writers Union of Russia, Russian Geographical Society, Society of Russian-Chinese Friendship, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: mushaver@mail.ru
Based on tactical documents, a factual historical report was prepared about the events connected with liberation of Harbin from Japan’s expansion, about participation of Russian and Polish emigrants, Chinese and Korean town dwellers, and role of Soviet intelligence operators in the said events.
Key words: Harbin, Far-Eastern Front, Chinese Eastern Railway, Manchukuo, Kwantung Army.

Zhanna Bazhenova, Institute of History, Archaeology & Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East (far eastern branch of Russian Academy of Sciences), Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: bjannam@mail.ru
Andrei Polutov, Institute of History, Archaeology & Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East (far eastern branch of Russian Academy of Sciences), Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: polutov@icloud.com
The article deals with characteristic features of the initial period of the occupation regime established by the USA on R yukyu A rchipelago in 1945.A s a result of the Battle of Okinawa, about a third of the local population died. The infrastructure destroyed, a huge damage was inflicted to the environment.A ccording to the Potsdam D eclaration, the R yukyu Islands were detached from the sovereignty of the Japanese G overnment and transferred to administration of allied forces, primarily the USA. The surviving Okinawa residents were sent to interment camps where they fully provided with food, clothes and medicines from the resources of the USA army. The US military government of the R yukyu Islands tried to act via local authorities. In 1946 Okinawa A dvisory Council was established on which the functions of civil administration were imposed with the purpose of solving political, economic, social welfare and law enforcement tasks under the A merican control. The Council’s activity on establishing postal service between the islands and Japan mainland is examined in details. In general, the initial part of Okinawa’s occupation can be characterized with indifferent and passivity of the US administration. But by the early 1950’s, due to changing geopolitical situation in the P acific R im, the USA revealed their aspiration to preserve their power over Okinawa as an important strategic location. The A rticle 3of the San-Francisco P eace Treaty signed in 1951 reserved the right of the USA to exercise all the administrative, judicial and legislative power over the territory and the islands’ residents.F rom 1953, expansion and modernization of US military bases on Okinawa began.
Key words: Okinawa, occupation, internment camps, the US military government of the R yukyu Islands, Okinawa A dvisory Council, postal service, San-Francisco P eace Treaty.

Elena Rudnikova, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: elena.rudnikova@mail.ru
The research focuses on the history of New Zealand Society for closer relations with the USSR, little known in Russian literature, and its activity during the World War II. The published reports of the Society’s heads and wartime materials of New Zealand’s printed media were used as the main sources of research. The reasons of emerging anti-Russian attitude in New Zealand’s society before the war and its influence on official relationships with the Soviet Union are identified. It is emphasized that after the Nazi Germany’s assault on USSR, a revulsion of that attitude occurred resulting in the growing interest for the Russian history and culture. Ideological and political background of the Society’s creation are given on activity examples of New Zealand’s communists, socialists and members of a public organization Friends of the Soviet Union. The main objectives and tasks of the Society are described, its organizers and heads characterized, main individuals, general social composition and basic events mentioned. The members’ publishing and educational activity is analyzed. The main result of the Society’s activity in the wartime was overcoming Russophobia in New Zealand and inspiring the country’s government to establishing diplomatic relationships with USSR. The Society’s work during the war is seen as a form of real cultural relationships between two countries.
Key words: World War II, Soviet Union, Russia, New Zealand, New Zealand Society for closer relations with the USSR.

Andrey Kalachinskiy, Vladivostok University Economy and Services, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: Andrey.Kalachinskiy@vvsu.ru
The paper reviews the issues of forming public opinion in Russian citizens regarding state policy towards China and other Pacific Rim countries. Opinion polls show that the “Chinese threat” factor is becoming a thing of the past and the growing number of people supposes that proximity to the PRC has beneficial effect on development of Pacific Russia’s regions. The breaking point was Vladivostok’s preparation for APEC summit in 2012 and the very summit and making a contract for gas supply from Yakutia to China. As a result of covering this contract in print media, a set phrase “Russia’s turn to the East” with positive connotation appeared in press. The author analyzes publications in Russian and foreign media of 2011 to 2015 and proves that the government’s stand towards PRC is severely criticized in foreign media and Russian opposition press, but in general, negative views have given way to more reasonable judgments. That brings up the question, which information sources have more credibility with the public: official or independent media or bloggers from social networks? Results of the latest opinion polls show the growing credibility of conventional media. It is remarkable that information is consumed more critically by recipients, but this has little effect on the volume of information consumed from such sources. For instance, a television viewer comments negatively on news broadcasts by government TV channels, argues with them, but continues watching them, although it would be reasonable to assume that, when the audience loses credence to a certain source of information, it should find another one. In spite of a huge choice of alternative views and information from “independent” media, the audience share of the so-called opposition media in Russia is insignificant. The author draws a conclusion that the policy formed by Russian elites toward China has become more comprehensive for the masses and is gaining their support.
Key words: Russia and China, “turn to the East”, credence to the press, forming public opinion, audience, media, bloggers, social networks, influence on society, state policy, research of media’s audience.

Vitaliy Boldyrev, Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: boldyrev89@list.ru
A multifactor analysis model of the US foreign-policy process based on a mathematical function’s principle is published and described in the paper. All forces of this process called determinants are grouped into clusters according to four factors: the president, administration and government, social and political factor and external factor. Brief recommendations are given as to practical application of multifactor analysis connected with identification of the analysis’ subject, its matrix adaptation, analysis of the factors’ variability dynamics, preparing an analytical document and forecast and analytical report. Multifactor analysis is implemented in practice on the example of study and forecast of US policies towards the Pacific Russia. It was determined that the analysis’ subject is located at the crossing of two policy vectors of the US government: towards the Pacific Rim and towards the Russian Federation. The matrix was adapted taking into account the aforesaid. It was noted that in both cases, the president’s undivided authority is discernible. It was found out that executive authorities pay attention to the Pacific Russia occasionally and the policy towards Russian Eastern regions is determined according to Washington’s Europe-focused policies. It is emphasized that in this case, a consensus has been reached between the government and administration. In the social and political factor’s context, the congruence of Russia’s visions in Congress and the US society is important. The stakeholders in which the USA are ready to cooperate with the Russian Federation on the Pacific under conditions of sanctions are a few. The development level of Pacific trade and economic relationships between Russia and the USA also does not favour their intensification. As a whole, these factors reduced the US participation extent in the Pacific Russia’s economy. The author predicts preservation of the status quo of the Russian-US relationships on the Pacific in the short run. According to the analysis’ results, long-range measures are suggested allowing to intensify cooperation of two countries in the Pacific Rim.
Key words: multifactor model, multifactor analysis, Russia, USA, Pacific Rim, integration.

Ning Yanhong, Heihe University, Heihe, Heilongjiang, China. E-mail: hhxynyh@163.com
Xu Hongliang, Heihe University, Heihe, Heilongjiang, China. E-mail: xuhl79@126.com
Victory of the Russian Revolution opened a door to ideological conscience’ awakening of Chinese emigrants in Russia, in particular, Chinese workers, day-laborers and collective farmers. They spread Marxism by direct participation in revolutionary struggle, issuing newspapers, magazines and leaflets. The majority of Chinese emigrants returning to their native country chose near-border cities (Heihe, Dongning and Manchuria) for performing revolutionary activity due to their border location of these cities; in addition, they had numerous kin and affiliations there. The zone of Marxist ideology’s advancement was formed which promoted to creation of party organizations in near-border cities. The paper describes the forms and methods of the struggle in details; the characteristic features of Marxism advancement by Chinese emigrants are given; the role of near-border Russian-Chinese cities in party building establishment is analyzed. Near-border cities and stations of Chinese Eastern Railway became important channels of Marxist ideology advancement and transferring the experience of the Russian Revolution in cross-border Chinese-Russian territories. It is noted that in the 1920’s, such famous personalities of the Communist Party of China travelled on Chinese Eastern Railway to the Soviet Russia / USSR as Li Dazhao, Chen Duxiu, Qiui Qiubo, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Xiao Jing Guang, Hu Lin, Liang Botai et al. An important role in uniting Chinese workers and bringing in the new ideas into their environment was played by the activity of the Union of Chinese Workers in Russia spreading propaganda literature and translating the works by V.I. Lenin and other revolutionary works into Chinese. Successful and public dissemination of Marxist ideas in boundary Russian-Chinese territories was a result of the long-term experience gained in cooperation of Russian and Chinese population in the Far-Eastern region and well-balanced practice of neighborly relationships between Russians and Chinese emigrants characteristic for this area.
Key words: the overseas Chinese in Russia, Marxism extension, the Sino-Russian border cities.

Igor’ Selivanov, Kursk State University, Kursk, Russia. E-mail: sin@kursknet.ru
Based on archive materials introduced to the academic environment for the first time, the paper reviews an episode of the initial stage of Soviet-Vietnamese relationships connected with writing a textbook for Vietnam’s political schools by order of I.V. Stalin. For the first time in Russian historiography, the technology of preparing a political book intended specifically for foreign readers oriented to studying the Marxist and Leninist doctrine in the “late Stalinism” period. The paper’s author compared the information about compiling the textbook for Vietnam and writing a political economy textbook by Soviet social scientists under Stalin’s personal guidance. When comparing the contents and numerous revisions of two texts, the author managed to find out why the work on the textbook for Vietnam’s communists began more than a year after Stalin’s order. It is obvious that Kremlin officials in charge for the book’s release wanted to compare its contents with Stalin’s instructions given when creating the political economy textbook so as not to be accused of distortion of the Marxist and Leninist doctrine. The author came to a conclusion that this work had been ill-fated because USSR leaders were not certain at that moment what was more important for them: Vietnam’s communists unquestionably following their political course or creative use of the Marxist and Leninist theory according to the specific nature of Vietnam’s historical development.
Key words: history of Soviet-Vietnamese relationships, history of political books in USSR, Stalin, Ho Chi Minh.

Vitalij Sovasteev, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: vasgen@bk.ru
Dmitrij Potashjov, Primorye regional bar association, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: pravozashit@mail.ru
The paper deals with activity of political extremist and terrorist organizations in Japan in the 1960—1990’s in the context of world history. Their ideological and theoretical basis, forms and methods of negative and destructive effect on society and state structures are analyzed. The authors follow the ideological, theoretical and practical links between numerous organizations of “new leftists” and “new religions” and political extremism and terrorism in Japan. The basic factors (political, economic, social, national, faith and psychological) of extremism and terrorism are identified. Direct influence of ideology and extremist practices of “new leftists” in West Europe in the 1960—1970’s on the activity of the Anti-War Youth Committee are characterized. The ideology of “new religions” in Japan in the 1990’s and adverse effect of destructive activity of Aum Shinrikyo sect on the world community are characterized. The conclusions are made about regularity of emergence and development of political extremism and terrorism in Japan in the second half of the 1960’s — 1990’s in connection with sweeping changes in alignment of political forces in the world and the country resulting in a transformation of the youth’s opinions whose political extremist actions were not highly organized and directed against the basis of the authoritarian and patriarchal society and state authority.
Key words: extremism, political terrorism, Japan, Anti-War Youth Committee, “the new leftists”, “the new religions”, Aum Shinrikyo.

Ivan Zuenko, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: ivanzuwei@gmail.com
The paper reviews the development of Heilongjiang’s administrative and territorial system (PRC) having the greatest length of the border with constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Based on analysis of regulatory acts and statistical data, the controversial nature of development of the said administrative and territorial system from the moment of adopting the effective constitution in PRC (1982) until the present moment is proved. The conclusion is drawn that, whereas in the previous period the model of such system documented in the first constitution of PRC (1954) was transformed to provide military and bureaucratic control in the provinces (which was expressed in creating of super-county district level and people’s community institute instead of cantonal authorities), in 1982—2014, it developed under effect of urbanization to provide the needs of social and economic development of the country. In practice, it was expressed in mergers of district entities by city centers, recover of cantonal level and increase of city number at the county and cantonal level. The paper gives a review of the current status of the province’s administrative and territorial system. The author pays particular attention to explaining the “problem points” difficult for understanding and causing frequent factual and statistical errors connected in existence of the district level in PRC not documented in the constitution, administrative and territorial entities of diverse significance and called “cities” and status peculiarities of sub-province and sub-district entities and national autonomy districts.
Key words: China, Heilongjiang, administrative and territorial system, regional authority and management system.

Yuliya Ishutina, Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: ishutina.yuliya.74@mail.ru
A contemporary folk narration errenzhuan, one of the most popular theatrical arts of the Northeast China, has suffered significant changes affecting not only its topics and plots but also the method of presenting them to the audience which allowed to make errenzhuan popular in different regions. Recognizable situations, satire on hot topics, a distinctive act structure and masterful language game allowed the narration master Zhao Benshan to lift this spectacular traditional Chinese theatrical art out of stagnation. A recipe for success is as follows: when performing on the big stage of CCTV, Central Chinese Television, Mr. Zhao and his team use the advantages of the Northeast dialect which is very close to the standard Putonghua in its grammar and vocabulary. In this case, settings are filled with lexical units comprehensible to any native Chinese speaker regardless of their dialect acquisition. Therefore, not only a popular comedian act, but also a successful commercial product is created making a claim for becoming a variety export subject. In spite of the fact that, as Zhao Benshan and his followers acknowledge, a new tradition for the New Year’s eve has developed in the Northeast China (to proceed to the traditional treating and set off firecrackers right after watching the holiday concert with an obligatory errenzhuan act), the Chinese elite has suspicious attitude towards the art of the talented actor from Jilin: probably, this is due to the fact that the popularly accepted comedian has not only no professional education, but no school-leaving certificate as well. The creative intuition, will to win and adequate choice of the audience: all that allowed Zhao Benshan to achieve unprecedented success and for the song-like narration errenzhuan, to get a chance for a new birth. At the present moment, there are several theaters in PRC giving only the Northeast song narration plays.
Key words: errenzhuan, folk narration art, theatre settings, Zhao Benshan, traditional arts.

Nina Leshchenko, Institute of History, Archaeology & Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East (far eastern branch of Russian Academy of Sciences), Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: nina8.56@mail.ru
Stanislav Prokopets, Institute of History, Archaeology & Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East (far eastern branch of Russian Academy of Sciences), Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: stas842005@mail.ru
For the first time, the paper gives a detailed description of musical instruments and their depictions found on artifacts from archeological sites of Balhae empire and Eastern Xia kingdom once situated in the territory of the Russian Far East. The archeological sources connected with the above-mentioned subject are converged. The musical culture of Primorye’s medieval population based on analysis of folk and noble instruments is studied. On the example of one of the most ancient folk instruments, jaw harp, the common and peculiar features are identified in the musical creations of the ethnicities populating the region in the Middle Age (Balhae people, Jurchen people) and indigenous ethnicities of the Far North and Far East (Nivkh people, Itelmens, Koryaks, Chukchi, Eskimo people, Yukagirs) and Tungus people (Nanais, Udege people, Oroch people, Oroks, Negidals, Ulch people). The varieties of jaw harps and their functions in the folk culture are reviewed. The jaw harps found in the Russian Far East and neighboring regions are listed. The most ancient jaw harp was found on an artifact of Mohe epoch (5th — 6th centuries). Alongside with folk instruments, noble ones depicted in the bronze mirror are reviewed in the paper. A plot with flying musical instruments was widespread in the 12th — 13th centuries in Buddhist iconography of Tangut people. The work points out that this motif could have been borrowed from mirrors manufactured in Tangut kingdom of Western Xia. The most recent and unique archeological sources from ancient settlements and towns of the medieval Primorye are introduced to the academic practice.
Key words: musical instruments, Balhae empire, jaw harp, medieval archeological artifacts.

Zhuang Hungyan, Institute of Literature of the Academy of Social Sciences, Heilongjiang Prov., China. E-mail: hong1965@sina.com
For the first time in China, the paper gives general information about petroglyphs found at Greater Khingan range and provisional analysis of their cultural characteristics and value. The first petroglyphs in this area were found in 197411975 by Mr. Zhao Zhen Qai. In 2007, petroglyph enthusiasts found new locations with petroglyphs and in 2012, a group of researchers studied the pictures on Shenzhi mountain, Tianshu range, in Gaxiandong cave and Qilian mountains. The researchers identified some characteristic features in the Greater Khingan’s petroglyphs. First, the predominant color of these pictures is red, believed to be a color of life and soul’s immortality, the basic color of ceremonial sacrifices. Ancient people derived it by mixing ochre with bull’s blood, wood juice, kaolin or quartz powder. Second, the majority of petroglyphs were made in sacrosanct places were rites were performed and sacrifices made. Third, petroglyphs reflected the culture of the peoples drawing them. Analyzing the pictures, the researchers came to a conclusion that they were drawn by forest hunters, not steppe herdsmen: deer are most common in animalistic petroglyphs and hunt scenes are the most frequent plots. Fourth, the petroglyph graphics has its characteristic features. Laconism, naivety, primitive simplicity, composition linearity and dynamicity are characteristic for petroglyphs. Dating the Greater Khingan’s petroglyphs remains the study’s weak point. However, it is the pictures’ dating that allows to find the origins of ethnicities and ethnic groups of the North. Besides, Greater Khingan’s petroglyphs act as an important joint in the petroglyph belt encircling the Pacific and presenting new materials for studying the cultural evolution of primitive and protohistorical epochs in North China and intercultural exchange with the continent of North America.
Key words: Greater Khingan range, petroglyphs, occurrence, cultural value.