Sergej Pestsov, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: skpfox@mail.ru.
In autumn 2013, the leaders of China presented the Belt and Road Initiative to the world community, an ambitious foreign policy project that determines the main directions of its regional and international activityat least for the next decade. This project was enthusiastically accepted by the most of western neighbors of Chinawho began to “combine” their own national development planswith it. Russia went even further by announcing the forthcoming reformatting of Asia and the creation of a new regional space GreatEurasia. Since China is the organizer of the proposed transformation of continental Asia, the real assessment of the prospects for Great Eurasia will be largely determined by its vision and interests, which, apparently, have not yet taken definitive shape. The purpose ofthis paper is the analysis of the current discussion in the Chinese academic environment on the definition of the main spatial features and priorities of the country’s new peripheral policy. Such analysis allows not onlyto understand the complexity of the geostrategic dilemma that China’s foreign policy encounters with, but also assess realistically the justification of the hopes of its western neighbors, who increasingly connect the prospects of their own economic growth with the reorientation of China’s attention and regional activity to continental Asia. The results suggestthatdespite a noticeable increase of attention to the western periphery, the latter is unlikely to be the only or top priority of China’s regional activity.

Keywords: Russia, China, continental Asia, Greater Eurasia, peripheral politics, regional strategy, Belt and Road Initiative, the Silk Road Economic Belt.

Aleksey Tokarev, Moscow State Institute of International Relations, MFA of Russia, Moscow, Russia. E-mail a.tokarev@inno.mgimo.ru.
Maksim Borodenko, Institute of Economy of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia. E-mail borodenko_max@mail.ru.
In 2008 the European Union initiated the program of the Eastern partnership, that was aimed to expand the influence of Brussels to six post-soviet countries without their formal membership in the Union. But Eastern partnership proved its failure after beginning of Ukrainian crisis. This attempt happened failed if we speak about program at large. In the frames of this article authors briefly speak about political aspect of the EP describing contradictions that existed from the same beginning. The bottom line of this article is economic cooperation between countries of the EP and theirs’ key trade partners including non-members of the EU. Basing on the evaluations of trade flows, the hierarchy of theirs vectors, especially including dynamics, authors make a conclusion about the failure of the EP particularly in the economic aspect. Paradoxically despite geographic location Azerbaijan is number one among six countries in economic cooperation with the EU. Another strange fact is that Armenia, being the member of the EAEU, trades with the EU more than with Russia (except year 2016). Moldova and Belorussia balance between East and West in their trade. Ukraine slowly decreases its volume of trade with East. Georgia was trading with Russia less than with the EU during the whole analyzed period.

Keywords: EU, Eastern partnership, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belorussia, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine.

Andrei Volynchuk, Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: i-abv@yandex.ru.
The article analyzes the prerequisites, prospects and possible risks of the reintegration processes activated by Moscow in the post-Soviet space in the second decade of the 21st century. The author assesses the development dynamics of the integration mechanisms of the new states after the collapse of the Soviet Union up to the present time (CIS, CSTO, Russia-Belarus Union State, SCO, EEA). It was revealed that, apart from a short period of the late 1990s, when the Russian Federation refused controlling integration processes in the post-Soviet space, Moscow is the organizer and initiator of various interstate integration structures. Their activities are aimed at uniting the former Soviet republics around one center. Among all post-Soviet countries, only Russia has the desire and the opportunity to unite. Its activity is realized in accordance with modern ideas about its own geo-economic and geopolitical interests. These interests are at the heart of the modern integration policy of the Russian state. At the same time, the growth of Moscow’s activity is directly proportional to the growth of the political, economic and military potential of the Russian Federation in the world. However, the effectiveness of the Russian integration policy is influenced by four external factors (China, the United States, the Middle East, Kazakhstan). Their manifestation in various combinations and with different strengths can significantly change both the content and speed of integration processes.
Keywords: Russia, Eurasia, CIS, Eurasian Union, SCO, CSTO, post-Soviet space, integration processes, reintegration, national interests.

Viktoriya Namzhilova, Department of regional economic researches, Buryatia Scientific Centre of the Siberian Branch of RAS, Ulan-Ude, Russia. E-mail: dayavika@yandex.ru.
The article considers the conditions of the establishment of six international economic corridors initiated by China’s “Belt and Road” strategy. The author comes to the conclusion that the organization of economic corridors along the perimeter of China not only ensures the implementation of the course for comprehensive openness and inclusive development but also provides an opportunity to balance disparities in the economic development of different regions of the country. The article also analyzes the experience of economic corridors construction in the Great Mekong Subregion as well as in Central Asia as part of the programs of regional cooperation supported by Asian Development Bank. According to the conception of the development of regional corridors, the creation of economic corridor is possible only after providing transport connectivity and constructing logic chains. It is noted that economic corridors are a key instrument of spatial organization as they aim at stimulating connectivity, increasing competitiveness and developing a sense of community within the region. The article highlights main lessons from world experience that can be taken into account when creating China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor. In the transboundary space of these countries, three corridors forming the spatial framework of the economic corridor are defined. The necessity for a common vision of the goals and priorities of cooperation between Beijing, Moscow and Ulaanbaatar as well as strategic planning for the development of the territories of three countries is emphasized.

Keywords: economic corridor, “Belt and Road”, regional corridors development, spatial organization, China — Mongolia — Russia economic corridor.

Anna Melkina, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK. E-mail: amelkina@yandex.ru.
The aim of this article is to trace the dynamic of Japan’s participation in integration initiatives of the Asia-Pacific in the past several decades. Special attention is paid to the background of economic integration in Asia, as well as to the changes of aims and goals Japan set for itself at each of the three stages covered by this work. The main hypothesis of this article is that by participating in regional integration groups Japan ensures its presence in the Asia — Pacific and maintains its status of an important regional actor. In the 1980s it tried to get rid of the disgraceful image of a ‘political dwarf’ while being an economic giant; in 1990s and in the first half of the 2000s — aspired to give a new impulse to its own economy, strengthening ties with the countries of the region, and to maintain its positions; finally, starting from the second half of the 2000s Japan has been making every effort to prevent further expansion of China’s influence in the region as well as to revitalize its own economy. The U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was a shock for Japan. However, having realized the impossibility of America’s return to the project in the near future as well as the difficulties of reaching an agreement on the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), Japan became the coordinating power of the TPP-11, seeing it as a way to maintain the existing balance of power in the Asia-Pacific.
Keywords: regional economic integration, Japan, the Asia-Pacific region, ТPP, RCEP, ASEAN+3, APEC, PECC, East Asia Summit, the U.S., China.

Long Changhai, Institute of Law of Inner Mongolia University, Hohhot, China. E-mail: longchanghai@yandex.ru.
China — Mongolia — Russia Economic Corridor is an important part of Belt and Road Initiative. It was created according to agreement signed during Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit in Tashkent in June, 2016. Strong relationship between judicial and law-enforcement officials of China, Mongolia and Russia provides judicial basement for development of economic corridor. Cooperation of law institutes from border regions of all three countries in recent years has got successful results but it still has a lot of things to do. Work of law-enforcement bodies, courts, advocateship and notaryship needs development with efforts of all three countries. The first and most important measures call us to reconsider Sino-Russian and Sino-Mongolian treaties on judicial help, to promote cooperation between judicial officials from border regions of China, Mongolia and Russia, to increase quantity and quality of researches on law and law professionals, to raise professional level of advocateship and notaryship, especially skills needed during the work on cross-border issues. Expected result is development of judicial cooperation of three countries’ border regions for successful building of China — Mongolia — Russia Economic Corridor.
Keywords: China, Mongolia, Russia, Economic Corridor, judicial cooperation, Belt and Road Initiative, cross-border cooperation, law-enforcement officials, international law.

Ivan Zuenko, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: ivanzuwei@gmail.com.
The article offers original view to the problem of perception of China’s initiative ‘Belt and Road’ with the analysis of experts discourse according to concept of critical geopolitics in two key countries in Central Eurasia — Russia and Kazakhstan. During 2014—2017 there was an active discussion on the topic accompanied with the transformation of perception: from mistrust and alertness to interest and hopes for quick results, and then — disappointment. Methods of discourse analysis help us to explain these changes as well as conclude on the future of ‘Belt and Road’ — at least in Russia and Kazakhstan. These countries due to their geographical position in the center of transcontinental transport routes and their active position in Eurasian integration processes give us important material for researching non-Chinese expert discourse towards ‘Belt and Road’. Moreover, different attitude in two countries towards ‘Belt and Road’ impact functioning of the Eurasian Economic Union based on cooperation between Moscow and Astana. Focus on this along with the use of ‘critical geopolitics’ theory forms the main contribution of the article to the global discussion on the topic of Belt and Road.
Keywords: Belt and Road, Silk Road Economic Belt, New Silk Road, Big Eurasian partnership, integration, Central Asia, China, Kazakhstan, Russia, discourse, critical geopolitics.

Elena Goryacheva, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: solo888@yandex.ru.
Vladimir Kozhevnikov, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: v.ronin@rambler.ru.
This article analyzes the process of reviewing the constitution of Japan and its ninth anti-war article at the present stage. The issue of the implementation of the constitutional reform in Japan has already became one of the key problems on the domestic political agenda. In the political, expert circles, and in Japanese public opinion, there was generally a consensus in favor of a revision of the current basic law of the country, which has been in force since 1947. However, in Japan exists and develops the public protest movement against the revision of the ninth article of the Constitution. Over the past few years numerous surveys of parliamentarians, youth, and public opinion polls have recorded a steady increase in the proportion of those who support the country’s constitutional reform. Among the main reasons for changing the ninth article of the Constitution is the need to preserve national security in connection with the current increase in tensions in the Asia-Pacific region caused by the implementation of the DPRK nuclear missile program and China’s expansion in the East China and South China Seas. The introduction of changes to the ninth article of the Constitution of Japan can aggravate Japan’s relations with China, Russia, South Korea, the DPRK and the US, and also cause the arms race to grow as a response from neighboring countries.
Keywords: the Constitution of Japan, anti-war article, the ninth article of the Constitution of Japan, Japan’s national security, public opinion, Prime Minister S. Abe, Japan’s foreign policy, opinion polls in Japan.

Victor Kuzminkov, Institute of Far Eastern Studies RAS, Moscow, Russia. E-mail: kuzminkov@yahoo.com.
Yang Junundong, Institute of North-East Asia Tianjin Academy of Social Sciences, Tianjin, China. E-mail: yangjundong13@163.com.
The article examines Japan’s foreign policy toward Russia after S. Abe became Prime-Minister of Japan in December 2012 until September 2017. Four months after taking office, S. Abe officially visited Russia, denoting the Russian direction as priority in its foreign policy. Unlike his predecessors, S. Abe did not focus on the territorial issue, having suggested to expand the format of bilateral consultations up to the discussion of security issues. Discussion of the key, for the Japanese side, territorial issue was hidden behind the formulation of the need to conclude a peace treaty. In resolving this issue, the Japanese side attached special importance to building trust relations between the leaders of Russia and Japan. However, after Japan jointed the sanctions against Russia, the bilateral dialogue was severely damaged. In order to force the deadlocked negotiations, S. Abe proposed a “new approach” and a program of economic interaction. The proposal of the “new approach” was a tactical step by the Japanese side, which hoped, through economic cooperation and intensive political dialogue at the highest level, to create a favorable atmosphere for a political decision on the territorial issue. However, the Japanese side clearly overestimated the possibility of personal diplomacy, which role in international relations is not so important. As a result, S. Abe’s personal diplomacy on the Russian side did not lead to significant changes in Russia’s position on the principle issues.
Keywords: Russia, Japan, China, USA, Kurile islands, security, personal diplomacy, peace treaty, joint economic activity.

Boris Afonin, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: afbm43@mai.ru.
The article analyses major internal political events as well as a social and economic situation in Japan in 2017. Among the most important of them there were elections to Lower House of Parliament (Diet). Alignment of political forces in the country depended on their results. Based on the election outcome, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) got the majority of seats in the House. Considering its advantages in the Upper House of Diet, it would be appropriate to say that the LDP maintains strong stands in the political games in the country. This enables the LDP together Komeito (ruling blok), more or less freely, to adopt the laws beneficial for the LDP, since the oppositions parties are week and have minority in both Houses of Diet. For example, the ruling LDP has nourished an idea for a long time to review the Constitution of Japan, mainly, its 9th article prohibiting the country to officially have any armed forces and get involved in wars. The draws protests on the part of some out-parties and the public. With this aim in view, preparation for the national-wide referendum to review the basic law of Japan is underway. Among internal political events it was Party Congress of LDP in which Sindzo Abe, as a President of Party, was prolong the powers till 2021 year. In Lower House election took part two new political parties — Party of Hope and Constitutional Democratic Party, which advanced successfully. Upon elections to the Lower House of Diet, Japan’s Prime Minister Sinzo Abe, according to working rule, carried out a government reshuffle. The social and economic situation in Japan not suffers violent changes. Prime Minister Sinzo Abe, speaking in the Diet after election, confirmed to continue on the course for further development of the economy. The list of the most significant international events includes the news about missiles and nuclear test of North Korea, official visit U.S. President Donald Trump to Japan, participation Prime Minister Sinzo Abe in the 3rd Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok and negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Keywords: Japan, parliamentary elections, Lower and Upper Houses of Parliament, political parties, prime minister, cabinet of ministers, social and economic situation, relations with neighboring countries.

Roman Avilov, Institute of Нistory, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: avilov-1987@mail.ru.

The paper analyzes the reforms of military administration in the Priamur Military District before World War I, which were focused on the improvement of the system of the military district administration. The reorganization was determined by the changes in the current strategic situation and considerable increase of Russian military strength in the region after the Russo-Japanese War of 1904—1905. Another reason was the necessity to develop the regional systems of the military and civil administration, which were vastly connected to each other.

The reorganizations began in 1906, soon after the end of the war, yet before the end of the First Russian Revolution of 1905—1907, and before the completion of the preparation of the general reform of the Russian Army in 1909. In 1906—1907, the structure of the Military District Staff was adjusted. In 1908—1912, the system of the military district administration was reformed. As a result, the administrative structure of the Priamur Military District was renovated in accordance with the current regional situation and approached at most to the administration structure, which was typical for the military districts of the Russian Empire before World War I.

At the same time, a reform of military and civil regional administration took place. In 1907—1909, the administration of northern Sakhalin was changed, the administration of the Maritime Province was adjusted. The main part of the reform was realized in 1910, when the office of the Commander of the Amur Province was abolished, and two other offices were separated: the Commander of the troops of the Priamur Military District and the Priamur Governor-General. From the creation of the Priamur Military District in 1884 and until this moment, there had always been one and the same person in both offices. A successful operation of the regional military district system during World War I happened due to the efficient reforms.

Keywords: Russian Far East, Russian Army, military reforms, Priamur Military District, military district system, World War I.

Andrey Gubin, Russia’s Institute for Strategic Studies, Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: andrey.gubin@mail.ru.
China has been dynamically conducting naval build-up moreover its political leadership see the Fleet not only from military but political stance. Key East Asian actors strive to possess threshold technologies and develop asymmetric strategies aimed to reach superiority and secure respective national interests using sea as a battlefield. Nowadays we face substantive danger of breaking status quo and stability due to behavior of some players both within and beyond the region. And all those don’t fit Chinese interests. Inspired by comprehensive reforms and realized necessity of securing national interests China since the late 1980s has been trying to create force able to operate in High Sees. Considering contemporary Chinese official military doctrine we should note reject from traditional land-based strategy and transition from coastal defense to overall security in all water and surface areas PRC has vital interests. PLA Navy today is under substantial qualitative and quantitative strengthening backed on both national and obtained foreign technologies. Although China now doesn’t have task to confront the USA in Pacific Ocean it’s already capable to promote and protect national interests far beyond coastal line.
Keywords: naval build-up, arms race, China, regional security.

Larisa Gorohovskaya, Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: gorohovskaya@mail.ru.
Tatyana Lomova, Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: lomova_tatyana999@mail.ru.
The article discovers dominating scenarios in the amateur photographs of Vladivostok in 1919 and 1920. The reason for unification of photos in one corpus is that their authors are foreigners, representatives of Western culture, and Vladivostok is a different cultural space for them. The signs of otherness, alienation along with fixation of oneself and those of the same kind are in this case the objects of shooting for amateur photographers. Theoretically, the article is based on the ideas of P. Bourdieu and the methodology of “visual research” (S. Hall, etc.). Documentary photography is considered by the authors not as “a copy of reality” but as a representation of certain visual practices, ideas and beliefs. A discursive analysis of the photographs revealed racist discourse realized through binary oppositions — nature/culture and barbarism/civilization. The features of the representation of the members of various cultures are shown. The image of Western culture is identified with progress, civilization, enlightenment, while Asian cultures are associated with cultural backwardness and ignorance. The perception of Russians varies depending on their social status. The Russians with a high social status are mainly perceived as equals by amateur photographers. However, this attitude doesn’t apply to the representatives of a low social status. The image of Russia is created by opposing Western civilization and identifying with a cultural “periphery”.
Keywords: Vladivostok, amateur photographs, scripts, visual practices, representation mode, racist discourse.

Vladimir Podmaskin, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: podmaskin@yandex.ru.
The article analyses the structural-typological approach of the myths, fairy tales, historical legends of the Chukchi, Koryak, Kerek, Itelmen, Asian Eskimos, Aleuts, Yukaghir, Nivkh and Ainu. The peculiarities of the historical development of these peoples predetermined specificity of their folk traditions as well as originality of folklore processes. From a scientific point of view, this folklore is of great interest because of its stadial archaism. Mythological formation reflects the autochthonous features in the development of culture. Heterogeneity of Paleo-Asiatic peoples had a significant impact on their culture and ethnic history. Folk heritage has all characteristic features common for the Paleo-Asiatics. Only northeastern Paleo-Asiatics possess the real unity of language, culture and mythology. In this group, the Itelmen are linguistically separated from the Chukchi and the Koryak, and the Chukchi are separated with their folklore and mythology which was strongly influenced by Eskimo mythology. Most fairy tales and historical legends of Paleo-Asiatic ethnic groups of the recent origin correlate with the tales of European peoples and the history of the development of the Northeastern Siberia by Russians in the seventeenth-nineteenth centuries. Household tales and historical stories are distinguished as a special genre. The texts are full of realistic details, reflecting the social and everyday lifestyle of hunters, fishermen and reindeer herders as well as their neighbors and the Russian population. The research proves that narrative folklore of Paleo-Asiatic peoples is diverse not only thematically but also ethnically and historically. Basically, this folklore is one of the most valuable sources for the study of the aesthetic patterns of folklore in general, for the understanding of the folklore of subsequent stadial types, for a variety of genetic and historical problems associated with genres, topics, images, poetics, folk characteristics.
Keywords: Paleo-Asiatic peoples, cosmogony legends, “The Raven” myths, heroic epics, tales, historical tales, adoption, folklore, ethnocultural communication.

Roman Gvozdev, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. E-mail: groma@inbox.ru.
The author attempts to trace the features of the development of Uilta trade relations during the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries between China, Japan and Russia. The work is based on the evidences of the pioneers, the explorers of Sakhalin and the materials of domestic and foreign authors. Relative remoteness of the Sakhalin island, low population density, weak development of the productive forces left an imprint on ways of management, development of economic relations in the region and, as a consequence, on trade. One of the important features of trade relations of the Uilta was non-monetary, natural exchange (goods for goods). Trade developed in two main, non-overlapping directions. The first related to Manchu China. The trade route ran from the north of Sakhalin through the mouth of the Amur river, where fairs were traditionally held. The second was the trade with Japan which was carried out mainly through outlets in the south of Sakhalin. The settlements in trading places were permanent and even appropriately strengthened. It is significant that such large states as Japan and China did not conduct direct trade with each other in the region. At least, no evidence is left. At the same time, they considered the territory of indigenous peoples (including Uilta) as their own. But even here their interests did not directly overlap, as the Chinese claimed for the northern territories of the island, and the Japanese — for the southern territories. However, there were no clear territorial boundaries. This factor actually contributed to the creation of a free trade zone in the region until the second half of the nineteenth century.
Keywords: Uilta, Orok, trade relations, Sakhalin, China, Japan, Tungus-Manchus.