IHAEFE FEB RAS
Indexed
#3’2024
CONTENTS
RUSSIA’S PIVOT TO THE EAST: TRANSFORMATION OF THE IDEA AND EVALUATION OF THE WAY
Larin V.L. Preface. Two Anniversaries: Three Quarters of a Century of the People’s Republic of China and the 75th Anniversary of the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the USSR and the PRC
CONTEMPORARY CHINA THROUGH THE LENS OF ITS DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN POLICY
Alexander Lomanov,, Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy
and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia.
Email: a_lomanov@hotmail.com.
After the 20th CPC National Congress, China adapted its foreign policy to new challenges. The paper analyses the outcomes of the CPC Central Committee Meeting on Foreign Policy Work in 2023. The paper considers new interpretations of the priorities of the country’s foreign policy: a new formulation of ‘equitable orderly multipolarity’ pointing to the equality of big and small countries, opposing hegemonism and power politics, and promoting the democratization of international relations. China argues that its foreign policy strategy will neither lead to the disinte gration of the world community into few ‘poles’ of major powers nor to the destabilization of global governance. The Global Civilization Initia tive announced by Xi Jinping aims to create a broad inclusive dialogue for overcoming the universalist claims of the West. In 2023, the concept of the ‘Global South’ was officially recognized at the official level, and China declared itself a ‘natural member’ rather than an external player. However, it is an open question to what extent the countries of the ‘Global South’ are ready to accept this interpretation. The prospects for interaction between China and these countries depend on the ability of the parties to identify and recognize common development goals. The Russian academic community faces the task of correctly positioning the innovations of China’s foreign policy strategy on the basis of know ledge of the conceptual language of Chinese diplomacy in the interests of expanding cooperation between two countries.
Keywords: CPC, foreign policy, multipolarity, Global Civilization Initia tive, ‘Global South’.
After the 20th CPC National Congress, China adapted its foreign policy to new challenges. The paper analyses the outcomes of the CPC Central Committee Meeting on Foreign Policy Work in 2023. The paper considers new interpretations of the priorities of the country’s foreign policy: a new formulation of ‘equitable orderly multipolarity’ pointing to the equality of big and small countries, opposing hegemonism and power politics, and promoting the democratization of international relations. China argues that its foreign policy strategy will neither lead to the disinte gration of the world community into few ‘poles’ of major powers nor to the destabilization of global governance. The Global Civilization Initia tive announced by Xi Jinping aims to create a broad inclusive dialogue for overcoming the universalist claims of the West. In 2023, the concept of the ‘Global South’ was officially recognized at the official level, and China declared itself a ‘natural member’ rather than an external player. However, it is an open question to what extent the countries of the ‘Global South’ are ready to accept this interpretation. The prospects for interaction between China and these countries depend on the ability of the parties to identify and recognize common development goals. The Russian academic community faces the task of correctly positioning the innovations of China’s foreign policy strategy on the basis of know ledge of the conceptual language of Chinese diplomacy in the interests of expanding cooperation between two countries.
Keywords: CPC, foreign policy, multipolarity, Global Civilization Initia tive, ‘Global South’.
Zhao Ruoxuan, Capital Normal University, Beijing, China. Email: irizrx@163.com.
This paper provides an overview of the works on democratic discourse written by Chinese scholars with the focus on criticizing the American liberal democratic system and constructing Chinese democratic dis course. It is revealed that Chinese scholars mainly use the class analysis, the analysis of classical works on democracy, the historical and pragmatic analysis to deconstruct American liberal democratic discourse and deny its universality and rationality. It is noted that the PRC has created its own democratic discourse in opposition to the Western point of view. Chinese researchers consider that it is characterized by theoretical features of class, practicality, continuity and procedurality. Under the government leadership and the attempt to compete for the right to define democracy in the international arena, the basic Chinese democratic system devel oped continuously through three stages: people’s democracy, socialist consultative democracy and people’s democracy in the whole process. Although the are some shortcomings in the analysis of democratic dis course by Chinese researchers (insufficient attention to contemporary problems of democratic practice, too much attention to the American liberal ideology and a lack of systematic scientific results), its scientific study in the PRC still suggests the possibility of rational interaction and consensus on the world stage.
Keywords: democratic discourse, chinese studies, democratic theory, discursive power.
This paper provides an overview of the works on democratic discourse written by Chinese scholars with the focus on criticizing the American liberal democratic system and constructing Chinese democratic dis course. It is revealed that Chinese scholars mainly use the class analysis, the analysis of classical works on democracy, the historical and pragmatic analysis to deconstruct American liberal democratic discourse and deny its universality and rationality. It is noted that the PRC has created its own democratic discourse in opposition to the Western point of view. Chinese researchers consider that it is characterized by theoretical features of class, practicality, continuity and procedurality. Under the government leadership and the attempt to compete for the right to define democracy in the international arena, the basic Chinese democratic system devel oped continuously through three stages: people’s democracy, socialist consultative democracy and people’s democracy in the whole process. Although the are some shortcomings in the analysis of democratic dis course by Chinese researchers (insufficient attention to contemporary problems of democratic practice, too much attention to the American liberal ideology and a lack of systematic scientific results), its scientific study in the PRC still suggests the possibility of rational interaction and consensus on the world stage.
Keywords: democratic discourse, chinese studies, democratic theory, discursive power.
Sergei Pestsov, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples
of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: skpfox@yandex.ru.
In recent years, the Chinese leadership has come up with a number of large-scale foreign policy initiatives confirming China’s claims to the role of an influential and responsible global player. The first one was the Global Development Initiative, introduced in 2021, followed by the Global Security Initiative in 2022, and the Global Civilization Initiative a year later. Each of them can be considered as a separate constructive element, but together they form an overall multi-level and multi-dimensional strategy of foreign policy activity which is designed to change both China itself and the world beyond its borders. This paper focuses on the Global Development Initiative (GDI) which is distinguished by its practicality and clearly instrumental nature. This gives grounds for its interpretation as a fairly important multi purpose diplomatic and discursive instrument aimed at promoting Chinese governance norms, uniting different countries within broad and flexible coalitions that support Beijing’s global vision and program, and its leadership in the global governance system. The logic of the sub sequent analysis and presentation of the material is determined by the hypothesis according to which understanding the real meaning and content of the Global Development Initiative is impossible without considering the general — internal and external — context, including a) the internal agenda and external situation of the Chinese economy, b) the contemporary emphasis on discursive power in Beijing’s thinking and policy, c) the intensification of strategic competition in China’s regional environment. Even though today it is still difficult to judge the prospects of the Global Development Initiative and the strength of its international support, it is obvious that using the most acute and up-to-date problems, facing the modern world, and relying on its undeniable economic success, China, not without reason, expects broad support for its numerous proposals and initiatives.
Keywords: China, Global Development Initiative, foreign policy, international cooperation, strategic competition, economic growth, discursive power.
In recent years, the Chinese leadership has come up with a number of large-scale foreign policy initiatives confirming China’s claims to the role of an influential and responsible global player. The first one was the Global Development Initiative, introduced in 2021, followed by the Global Security Initiative in 2022, and the Global Civilization Initiative a year later. Each of them can be considered as a separate constructive element, but together they form an overall multi-level and multi-dimensional strategy of foreign policy activity which is designed to change both China itself and the world beyond its borders. This paper focuses on the Global Development Initiative (GDI) which is distinguished by its practicality and clearly instrumental nature. This gives grounds for its interpretation as a fairly important multi purpose diplomatic and discursive instrument aimed at promoting Chinese governance norms, uniting different countries within broad and flexible coalitions that support Beijing’s global vision and program, and its leadership in the global governance system. The logic of the sub sequent analysis and presentation of the material is determined by the hypothesis according to which understanding the real meaning and content of the Global Development Initiative is impossible without considering the general — internal and external — context, including a) the internal agenda and external situation of the Chinese economy, b) the contemporary emphasis on discursive power in Beijing’s thinking and policy, c) the intensification of strategic competition in China’s regional environment. Even though today it is still difficult to judge the prospects of the Global Development Initiative and the strength of its international support, it is obvious that using the most acute and up-to-date problems, facing the modern world, and relying on its undeniable economic success, China, not without reason, expects broad support for its numerous proposals and initiatives.
Keywords: China, Global Development Initiative, foreign policy, international cooperation, strategic competition, economic growth, discursive power.
Ivan Stavrov, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples
of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: stavivan@yandex.ru.
Throughout its long history, China has been a demographic superpower with pro-natalist views. However, in the second half of the 20th cen tury, the PRC’s leadership paid attention to the correlation between economic growth and population size. Therefore, it began to imple ment a family planning policy, which as a result of the changed economic situation was carried out in the form of the one-child policy. The Chinese government, resorting to birth control measures, considered the complexity of the national composition of the popu lation, its uneven distribution over the territory of the country, so the corresponding course in population policy took this factor into account. The objective of this paper is to analyze the main changes in the demographic policy of the Chinese state with regard to non-Han nationalities from the establishment of the People’s Republic of China to the abolition of the one-child policy. Between the 1950s and 1970s, non-Han Chinese were excluded from birth control. The situation changed in the mid-1980s, when the growth rate of the non-Han population began to outpace the growth of the Chi nese population. As a result, the differentiated policy for different ethnic groups based on their size was introduced. The Chinese government assigned a major role in the implementation of the demographic policy to the regions which adjusted the norms imposed by higher authorities according to the real situation. At the beginning of the 21st century, the demographic realities changed markedly in the country, population growth fell below simple reproduction, so the government switched to the two-child policy and from 2021 to the three-child policy that effectively ended the preferential policy towards ethnic minorities. This overview shows the flexibility of the Chinese state in implementing a demographic policy that considers population development trends, specific national composition and uneven distribution of the popula tion across the territory of the People’s Republic of China.
Keywords: China, CCP, demographic policy, ethnic minorities, birth control, ethnopolitics.
Throughout its long history, China has been a demographic superpower with pro-natalist views. However, in the second half of the 20th cen tury, the PRC’s leadership paid attention to the correlation between economic growth and population size. Therefore, it began to imple ment a family planning policy, which as a result of the changed economic situation was carried out in the form of the one-child policy. The Chinese government, resorting to birth control measures, considered the complexity of the national composition of the popu lation, its uneven distribution over the territory of the country, so the corresponding course in population policy took this factor into account. The objective of this paper is to analyze the main changes in the demographic policy of the Chinese state with regard to non-Han nationalities from the establishment of the People’s Republic of China to the abolition of the one-child policy. Between the 1950s and 1970s, non-Han Chinese were excluded from birth control. The situation changed in the mid-1980s, when the growth rate of the non-Han population began to outpace the growth of the Chi nese population. As a result, the differentiated policy for different ethnic groups based on their size was introduced. The Chinese government assigned a major role in the implementation of the demographic policy to the regions which adjusted the norms imposed by higher authorities according to the real situation. At the beginning of the 21st century, the demographic realities changed markedly in the country, population growth fell below simple reproduction, so the government switched to the two-child policy and from 2021 to the three-child policy that effectively ended the preferential policy towards ethnic minorities. This overview shows the flexibility of the Chinese state in implementing a demographic policy that considers population development trends, specific national composition and uneven distribution of the popula tion across the territory of the People’s Republic of China.
Keywords: China, CCP, demographic policy, ethnic minorities, birth control, ethnopolitics.
RUSSIAN-CHINESE RELATIONS YESTERDAY AND TODAY
Vladimir Portyakov, Institute of China and Contemporary Asia, RAS,
Moscow, Russia. Email: p481nov@mail.ru
The paper highlights the distinctive features of the studies of the PRC’s foreign policy during the Soviet period. It is mentioned that, firstly, they developed gradually as the scale of Beijing’s international activi ties increased and researchers improved professionally in the USSR. Second ly, the assessment of Beijing’s policy in the international arena was entirely determined by the nature of bilateral Soviet-Chinese rela tions at that moment. Thirdly, despite the absence of an official ban, scientists played a modest role in analyzing the vicissitudes of Beijing’s foreign policy. The leading role belonged to the staff of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Fourthly, the objective analysis of China’s international relations in the USSR was noticeably hindered by the almost universal dogmatism of Soviet sinolo gists and their conviction (even if sometimes ostentatious) in the infalli bility of Soviet theory and practice including disagreements with China. The paper examines the main works of M.S. Kapitsa, O.B. Rakhhmanin, M.I. Sladkovsky, E.P. Bazhanov. In conclusion, the problem of a pos sible revision of Soviet assessments of China’s foreign policy between the 1960s and the first half of the 1980s is examined. The author thinks that there was no particular need for that. Already in the 1980s, as the process of normalization of Soviet-Chinese relations developed, both sides gradually abandoned the previous terminology that was pejorative for the partner. It gradually fell out of the political lexicon of both Moscow and Beijing. In addition, in post-Soviet Russia, there were no conditions for the protection of former socialist views and con cepts, including the Soviet-Chinese polemic, and it seemed no one was eager to act.
Keywords: Soviet sinologists, PRC, foreign policy, main features of approaches, the problem of revision of previous assessments.
The paper highlights the distinctive features of the studies of the PRC’s foreign policy during the Soviet period. It is mentioned that, firstly, they developed gradually as the scale of Beijing’s international activi ties increased and researchers improved professionally in the USSR. Second ly, the assessment of Beijing’s policy in the international arena was entirely determined by the nature of bilateral Soviet-Chinese rela tions at that moment. Thirdly, despite the absence of an official ban, scientists played a modest role in analyzing the vicissitudes of Beijing’s foreign policy. The leading role belonged to the staff of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Fourthly, the objective analysis of China’s international relations in the USSR was noticeably hindered by the almost universal dogmatism of Soviet sinolo gists and their conviction (even if sometimes ostentatious) in the infalli bility of Soviet theory and practice including disagreements with China. The paper examines the main works of M.S. Kapitsa, O.B. Rakhhmanin, M.I. Sladkovsky, E.P. Bazhanov. In conclusion, the problem of a pos sible revision of Soviet assessments of China’s foreign policy between the 1960s and the first half of the 1980s is examined. The author thinks that there was no particular need for that. Already in the 1980s, as the process of normalization of Soviet-Chinese relations developed, both sides gradually abandoned the previous terminology that was pejorative for the partner. It gradually fell out of the political lexicon of both Moscow and Beijing. In addition, in post-Soviet Russia, there were no conditions for the protection of former socialist views and con cepts, including the Soviet-Chinese polemic, and it seemed no one was eager to act.
Keywords: Soviet sinologists, PRC, foreign policy, main features of approaches, the problem of revision of previous assessments.
Andrey Popovkin, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples
of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: popovkinav@yandex.ru
The current situation in the field of international relations is character ized by a crisis of mutual trust among participants, which can be con sidered as a natural consequence of naked pragmatism expressed in the concept of “realpolitik”. At the same time, we are witnessing the birth and fierce competition of several ideologies of the new world order. On the one hand, there is a concept of the “Rules-based world” promoted by the United States and its allies. It is opposed by the con cepts developed in the PRC and Russia: “Community of common destiny for mankind” and the ‘New Russian idea’ or the ideology of the “Russian world”. At the same time, despite the obvious potential for alliance and co-development, in practice these ideologies develop without noticeable interaction. The reason is the specifics of the Chinese authors’ explana tion and justification of their concept: their reliance on Marxism and the ideas of traditional Chinese philosophy. Most modern Russian researchers don’t know Chinese philosophy well and do not use it as a research theory. Moreover, they don’t refer to the ideas of Marxism and have not perceived it as an authoritative philosophical system for a long time. Another factor that makes it difficult for Russian researchers to comprehend the concept of the “Community of common destiny for mankind” as a philosophical and political idea of a new system of international relations is China’s pragmatic behavior in the interna tional arena as it is quite noticeable that the desire to strive for its own interests is stronger than to defend a certain idea.
Keywords: Community of common destiny for mankind, new Russian idea, Russian philosophy, international relations, dialogue of cultures.
The current situation in the field of international relations is character ized by a crisis of mutual trust among participants, which can be con sidered as a natural consequence of naked pragmatism expressed in the concept of “realpolitik”. At the same time, we are witnessing the birth and fierce competition of several ideologies of the new world order. On the one hand, there is a concept of the “Rules-based world” promoted by the United States and its allies. It is opposed by the con cepts developed in the PRC and Russia: “Community of common destiny for mankind” and the ‘New Russian idea’ or the ideology of the “Russian world”. At the same time, despite the obvious potential for alliance and co-development, in practice these ideologies develop without noticeable interaction. The reason is the specifics of the Chinese authors’ explana tion and justification of their concept: their reliance on Marxism and the ideas of traditional Chinese philosophy. Most modern Russian researchers don’t know Chinese philosophy well and do not use it as a research theory. Moreover, they don’t refer to the ideas of Marxism and have not perceived it as an authoritative philosophical system for a long time. Another factor that makes it difficult for Russian researchers to comprehend the concept of the “Community of common destiny for mankind” as a philosophical and political idea of a new system of international relations is China’s pragmatic behavior in the interna tional arena as it is quite noticeable that the desire to strive for its own interests is stronger than to defend a certain idea.
Keywords: Community of common destiny for mankind, new Russian idea, Russian philosophy, international relations, dialogue of cultures.
Lilia Larina, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples
of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia
In autumn 2023, the Public Opinion Research Laboratory of the Institute of History of the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences conducted a new public opinion survey in Pacific Russia. The purpose of this survey was to monitor people’s views on the countries and nations of the world. This paper presents some results of the survey of the inhabitants of Chita and Vladivostok reflecting their ideas about China and Russian-Chinese relations. The author shows that the dramatic changes in Russia’s international situation since the early 2020s and the sharp aggravation of its relations with the collective West that hap pened simultaneously with the strengthening of political and economic ties with the PRC led to the noticeable increase in China’s reputation in the eyes of the inhabitants of the Russian border region. Currently, they consider China as the most attractive and friendly to Russia among foreign countries. The overwhelming majority of respondents in both cities positively evaluate the current state and the future of Russian Chinese relations. Only a small part of the population (within 12—13%) sees China’s economic and military growth as a threat to the interests and security of Russia. China’s leadership as the most desirable economic partner for Primorye and Transbaikalia has become unconditional. Such perception of the neighboring state is due to interrupted during the pandemic but quite close economic and humanitarian ties between the border territories, the interest of the inhabitants of the Far East to the unique Chinese culture, the country’s economic achievements in recent decades and, of course, the specific results of the strategic partnership between two countries.
Keywords: China, Russia-China relations, public opinion, Pacific Russia.
In autumn 2023, the Public Opinion Research Laboratory of the Institute of History of the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences conducted a new public opinion survey in Pacific Russia. The purpose of this survey was to monitor people’s views on the countries and nations of the world. This paper presents some results of the survey of the inhabitants of Chita and Vladivostok reflecting their ideas about China and Russian-Chinese relations. The author shows that the dramatic changes in Russia’s international situation since the early 2020s and the sharp aggravation of its relations with the collective West that hap pened simultaneously with the strengthening of political and economic ties with the PRC led to the noticeable increase in China’s reputation in the eyes of the inhabitants of the Russian border region. Currently, they consider China as the most attractive and friendly to Russia among foreign countries. The overwhelming majority of respondents in both cities positively evaluate the current state and the future of Russian Chinese relations. Only a small part of the population (within 12—13%) sees China’s economic and military growth as a threat to the interests and security of Russia. China’s leadership as the most desirable economic partner for Primorye and Transbaikalia has become unconditional. Such perception of the neighboring state is due to interrupted during the pandemic but quite close economic and humanitarian ties between the border territories, the interest of the inhabitants of the Far East to the unique Chinese culture, the country’s economic achievements in recent decades and, of course, the specific results of the strategic partnership between two countries.
Keywords: China, Russia-China relations, public opinion, Pacific Russia.
Ivan Zuenko, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples
of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: ivanzuwei@gmail.com
The paper is dedicated to the problems of development of the cross border infrastructure between Russia and China, which have become more significant in the context of “Russia’s pivot to the East”. The author shows that the centralization of the cross-border cooperation agenda, its conceptualization in the framework of the declared “pivot to the East”, the creation of special bureaucratic and administrative structures and the stimulation of local authorities to support infrastructure projects have recently made it possible to implement initiatives related to the con nection of the two sides of the Amur River planned in the 1980s—1990s. Currently with regard to the increased need to intensify Russian-Chinese cross-border interaction, the bridge crossings and the adjacent river side territories (primarily in the area of the Blagoveshchensk — Heihe and Nizhneleninskoye — Tongjiang bridges) are becoming the “growth points” around which bilateral projects are concentrated. The Russian authorities plan to use these territories for further develop ment of preferential regimes in the Far East and to attract foreign invest ment and technology to the region (in the form of so-called international territories of advanced development). At the same time, the constructed bridge crossings are not enough to meet the prospective needs of Rus sian-Chinese cooperation. Therefore, we can expect the implementation of several more projects including the Dzhalinda-Mohe bridge crossing, as well as the construction of the border crossing on Bolshoy Ussuriysky Island, which will connect the existing bridges from the territories of Russia and China through the Amur River channels to the island.
Keywords: China, Far East, infrastructure, bridge crossings, riverside territories, international territories of advanced development.
The paper is dedicated to the problems of development of the cross border infrastructure between Russia and China, which have become more significant in the context of “Russia’s pivot to the East”. The author shows that the centralization of the cross-border cooperation agenda, its conceptualization in the framework of the declared “pivot to the East”, the creation of special bureaucratic and administrative structures and the stimulation of local authorities to support infrastructure projects have recently made it possible to implement initiatives related to the con nection of the two sides of the Amur River planned in the 1980s—1990s. Currently with regard to the increased need to intensify Russian-Chinese cross-border interaction, the bridge crossings and the adjacent river side territories (primarily in the area of the Blagoveshchensk — Heihe and Nizhneleninskoye — Tongjiang bridges) are becoming the “growth points” around which bilateral projects are concentrated. The Russian authorities plan to use these territories for further develop ment of preferential regimes in the Far East and to attract foreign invest ment and technology to the region (in the form of so-called international territories of advanced development). At the same time, the constructed bridge crossings are not enough to meet the prospective needs of Rus sian-Chinese cooperation. Therefore, we can expect the implementation of several more projects including the Dzhalinda-Mohe bridge crossing, as well as the construction of the border crossing on Bolshoy Ussuriysky Island, which will connect the existing bridges from the territories of Russia and China through the Amur River channels to the island.
Keywords: China, Far East, infrastructure, bridge crossings, riverside territories, international territories of advanced development.
Aleksandra Stepanyuk, Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology FEB RAS.
Vladivostok, Russia. Email: labyuk@ihaefe.ru.
International humanitarian contacts of scientific organizations are the “soft power” for strengthening the ties between the countries. Scien tific diplomacy has traditionally played a significant role in the devel opment of Russian-Chinese relations. The Russian Academy of Sciences is one of its main proponents in Russia. After the resumption of contacts in the 1980s, China has remained a constant partner of the Far Eastern scientific organizations joining ongoing research processes, taking initiatives to promote new joint projects and conducting academic exchanges of scientists from both countries. Based on archival and reporting documentation of scientific institutes of the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the author analyzes contemporary Russian-Chinese scientific and technical ties, trends in the development of the leading directions in such areas of cooperation as exact sciences, marine and Arctic research, biology, ecology, agricultural scien ces, medicine, pharmacology and the humanities. The paper focuses on the major partners of the Far Eastern institutes, important results of joint work and potential Russian-Chinese research. The significant factors such as the coronavirus pandemic, the lockdown and the sanc tions imposed with the launch of the special military operation have had a major impact on Russia’s international relations. The author’s aim is to evaluate the importance of these factors in the interaction between the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences and Chinese scientific organizations, as well as to identify the tenden cies of possible changes in the volume and intensity of contacts.
Keywords: Russian-Chinese cooperation, scientific diplomacy, Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, scientific and technical ties, humanitarian ties, regional cooperation
International humanitarian contacts of scientific organizations are the “soft power” for strengthening the ties between the countries. Scien tific diplomacy has traditionally played a significant role in the devel opment of Russian-Chinese relations. The Russian Academy of Sciences is one of its main proponents in Russia. After the resumption of contacts in the 1980s, China has remained a constant partner of the Far Eastern scientific organizations joining ongoing research processes, taking initiatives to promote new joint projects and conducting academic exchanges of scientists from both countries. Based on archival and reporting documentation of scientific institutes of the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the author analyzes contemporary Russian-Chinese scientific and technical ties, trends in the development of the leading directions in such areas of cooperation as exact sciences, marine and Arctic research, biology, ecology, agricultural scien ces, medicine, pharmacology and the humanities. The paper focuses on the major partners of the Far Eastern institutes, important results of joint work and potential Russian-Chinese research. The significant factors such as the coronavirus pandemic, the lockdown and the sanc tions imposed with the launch of the special military operation have had a major impact on Russia’s international relations. The author’s aim is to evaluate the importance of these factors in the interaction between the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences and Chinese scientific organizations, as well as to identify the tenden cies of possible changes in the volume and intensity of contacts.
Keywords: Russian-Chinese cooperation, scientific diplomacy, Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, scientific and technical ties, humanitarian ties, regional cooperation
ABOUT OUR COLLEAGUE
Andriets G.A., Ermak G.G. The Jubilee Birthday of Lidiya Evgenyevna Fetisova
Elena Sidorenko, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Senior Researcher, Institute
of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS,
Vladivostok, Russia. Email: sidoriha3@yandex.ru
Irina Sayapina, Senior Laboratory Assistant with Higher Education, Institute of His tory, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: irisan.bk@gmail.com
Vladimir Shavkunov, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Senior Researcher, Insti tute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: vshavkunov@yandex.ru
The paper describes O.V. Dyakova’s scientific contribution to Far Eastern medieval studies reflected in the monographs. The researcher’s main scientific interest is related to medieval cultures in the vast territory of the Asia-Pacific region. Taking the ceramics of the Mohe culture as a basis, Olga Vasilyevna managed to create a comprehensive picture of the dynamics of the pottery development during the Middle Ages in the Far East and to bring the problems of ceramic production to the level of historical and cultural generalizations. She revealed the three layers of features in the structure of the medieval archaeo logical culture: aboriginal, state (regional) and epoch-making. This methodology allows us to solve a wide range of scientific problems based on the archaeological material: the genesis and development of the medieval cultures of the Far Eastern region — the Mohe, Bohai, Primorsky and Amur Jurchens; political, economic and cultural ties; dating of complexes and cultures, establishment of the course of military, economic, religious events and contacts. The main works of Olga Vasilyevna Dyakova presented in the review are distinguished by the fundamental nature of scientific tasks and the large-scale research. Olga Vasilyevna’s monographs are always a scientific breakthrough. On the one hand, they summarize the available data on the problem. On the other hand, they build a research matrix for further development, clarification, additions sometimes defining a problem and indicating the direction of the search. The studies are based on the qualitative analysis of sources, determination of their informative value for solving a particular problem, and thorough work with field reports as a basis for verifying hypotheses.
Keywords: Mohe culture, Bohai culture, Jurchen culture, kurgans, ceramics, Primorye, Amur region, Bohai state, fortifications.
Irina Sayapina, Senior Laboratory Assistant with Higher Education, Institute of His tory, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: irisan.bk@gmail.com
Vladimir Shavkunov, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Senior Researcher, Insti tute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the Peoples of the Far East, FEB RAS, Vladivostok, Russia. Email: vshavkunov@yandex.ru
The paper describes O.V. Dyakova’s scientific contribution to Far Eastern medieval studies reflected in the monographs. The researcher’s main scientific interest is related to medieval cultures in the vast territory of the Asia-Pacific region. Taking the ceramics of the Mohe culture as a basis, Olga Vasilyevna managed to create a comprehensive picture of the dynamics of the pottery development during the Middle Ages in the Far East and to bring the problems of ceramic production to the level of historical and cultural generalizations. She revealed the three layers of features in the structure of the medieval archaeo logical culture: aboriginal, state (regional) and epoch-making. This methodology allows us to solve a wide range of scientific problems based on the archaeological material: the genesis and development of the medieval cultures of the Far Eastern region — the Mohe, Bohai, Primorsky and Amur Jurchens; political, economic and cultural ties; dating of complexes and cultures, establishment of the course of military, economic, religious events and contacts. The main works of Olga Vasilyevna Dyakova presented in the review are distinguished by the fundamental nature of scientific tasks and the large-scale research. Olga Vasilyevna’s monographs are always a scientific breakthrough. On the one hand, they summarize the available data on the problem. On the other hand, they build a research matrix for further development, clarification, additions sometimes defining a problem and indicating the direction of the search. The studies are based on the qualitative analysis of sources, determination of their informative value for solving a particular problem, and thorough work with field reports as a basis for verifying hypotheses.
Keywords: Mohe culture, Bohai culture, Jurchen culture, kurgans, ceramics, Primorye, Amur region, Bohai state, fortifications.